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Denmark v Japan: What is deafness?

Denmark and Japan boast contrasting profiles both overseas and at home: the former are more generous with aid and have stronger female representation in government; the latter have much lower military spending and income inequality.

These mixed efforts are good enough for upper mid-table places in the rankings, 11th and 14th respectively, so unless you are Danish, Japanese or a blue whale you may not have an instinctive preference for a Group F clash that will dictate who follows the Netherlands into the second round.

As such we will look outside the established rankings for other pointers. And in the case of two wealthy competitors such as these it is interesting to examine attitudes to the rights of disenfranchised citizens domestically.

One such group is the Deaf community, a minority widely stigmatised as disabled. In response to enduring discrimination Deaf advocates campaign for the promotion and protection of Deaf culture (most obviously sign language) as well as assistance in gaining mainstream parity in education, employment and social integration.

Denmark has long been an example of good practice for the rest of the world. There is a world renowned international leadership training for young deaf people, Frontrunners at Castberggard (a High School owned by the Danish Deaf community), which is a great source of empowerment and leadership for the international Deaf community. In Denmark all deaf people are entitled to full sign language interpreting hours in mainstream education as well as for work meetings with hearing colleagues. Deaf people can also get an interpreter for selected social activities for seven hours per week (the Danish Deaf Association continues to campaign for unlimited interpreting services for all social activities).

Unfortunately the situation is deteriorating rapidly with lobbyists eclipsing advocacy groups in policy formation. 99.98% of Danish deaf children under the age of 11 now receive cochlear implants and don’t use any sign language at all. This creates a virtual wall between deaf children and deaf adults, treating deafness as a disability rather than a difference in human experience – i.e. fixing something that doesn’t need to be fixed. Children’s choices are disregarded with invasive, fallible surgery enforced upon them.

The government, the Danish association of parents of deaf children (90 to 95% of deaf children have hearing parents) and Ear, Nose & Throat surgeons form a powerful front for implanting all deaf children. The Danish Deaf Association and Danish Deaf activists oppose these measures but are relatively powerless.

This decline in Danish Deaf rights is increasingly reflected in everyday life. The TV programme for deaf children was closed down some months ago. Deaf couples with deaf children are moving to Sweden because of better educational opportunities, commuting back to Copenhagen for work. A minority culture is being sacrificed for political expediency and ill-considered conformism.

As recently as 30 years ago Japan was no-one’s idea of an exemplar for Deaf rights. Deaf individuals were generally classed as legal minors or mentally deficient, unable to obtain a driver’s licence or write a will. Activists struggled to replicate the success of campaigners in the United States, who had built on deaf culture and the civil rights movement to pursue radical separatism in which deafness was characterised as a quasi-ethnicity. In Japan at this time racial difference was scarcely acknowledged in the public sphere.

Two decades of activism have brought remarkable results and deaf Japanese now enjoy mainstream acceptance. This is widely attributable to the success of the moderate Japanese Federation of the Deaf, who pursued assimilationist policies with mainstream society (e.g. use of lip-reading). At the same time Deaf culture and identity is championed like never before by younger activists who promote the use of Japanese Sign Language. It amounts to a case study in Japan’s changing attitudes to identity, cultural and linguistic difference over the last 30 years.

Thursday’s meeting between Denmark and Japan is a straight fight for second spot in Group F – Takeshi Okada’s side progress with a draw – and a good shot at the latter stages. The competent but hardly exceptional Paraguay likely await in the last 16 with Brazil probable quarter-final opponents.

Whether you are championing the Danes for their historic support for Deaf rights or Japan for their recent advances, a report on the game (and all others) will be made in International Sign on the FIFA website shortly after full-time.

With thanks to Maartje DeMeulder.

Posted in: Denmark, Denmark-Japan, Japan

Peter May is the author of The Rebel Tours: Cricket's Crisis of Conscience, the 2009 book that achieved critical praise and commercial indifference.

Views expressed here are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of the World Development Movement.

Team-by-team: Groups E & F

Group E

Netherlands

Tipped in the WDM office as possible dark-horse winners, despite injury putting Arjen Robben’s participation in doubt, the Oranje are an attractive bet at 10/1. They can also lay claim to being the ethical punters’ choice, being the most generous aid donor at the tournament and one of only two competitors that have met the long-standing target of giving 0.7% of their gross national income as overseas aid. The Dutch give 0.82% of GNI in 2007, edging out, by a mere 0.1%,…

Denmark

…the other country to receive an overseas aid gold star from the OECD. The Danes have the distinction of winning a major championship – Euro 92 – after receiving a place only as a direct result of a UN Security Council Resolution (number 757, which ended Yugoslavia’s tournament before it had begun). They’ve never come close to repeating the trick and, with a strong Cameroonian challenge for second place, may well fall at the first hurdle for the first time in their history.

Japan

The first World Cup to be held in Africa features both hosts of the first in Asia, the joint Japan-South Korea tournament of eight years ago. The Japanese caused England problems last week, but their one goal was the only one in a four-match warm-up schedule, and their qualifying campaign was none too convincing either. Japan enjoys mid-table security/obscurity in the WSICF? rankings, but it’s hard not to like a country where the Prime Minister resigns because he broke an election promise – especially when that promise was to close foreign military bases. Expect another resignation – from Head Coach Takeshi Okada – before June is out.

Cameroon

With Didier Drogba (Ivory Coast) doubtful and his Chelsea teammate Michael Essien (Ghana) out of the tournament, Cameroon’s Sameal Eto’o could be set to be the continent’s hero in South Africa. Pity he doesn’t have the team around him to make a repeat of their 1990 quarter-final run all that likely. 1990 hero Roger Milla’s criticism of Eto’o – that he has performed well for European bosses but done nothing for Cameroon – would be a rather fairer description of the country’s famous rainforests and shrimp fisheries, both of which have been exploited enthusiastically by Western entrepreneurs while the Camerounais suffer the second-worst rate of chronic hunger in the tournament, with 23% not getting enough to eat.

Group F

Italy

The home of this author’s forefathers, it’s fair to say that La Patria is dodgy at best on both a footballing and social justice estimation. The ageing champions will be doing well to progress beyond the quarter-finals, with the Netherlands their likely opponents.

If Italy’s midfield feel a little past their sell-by date, Silvio Berlusconi’s leadership is positively rancid. With total control of the media, Silvio has shifted the Italian mainstream to the right and encouraged the rise of ultra-nationalist groups such as the Lega Nord. The effect is visible in our rankings: Italy’s overseas aid commitment is less than a third of the OECD target, and its economic inequality is worse than any other European competitors’ – except England.

Paraguay

Known to football fans mainly for the heroics of former keeper Jose Luis Chilavert, who – lest we forget – has scored more international goals than Emile Heskey, Paraguay qualified strongly, finishing ahead of Argentina in the 10-team CONMEBOL mega-group.

That campaign featured only 3 draws – a feast-or-famine record that seems appropriate for the most unequal country at the World Cup. The richest 10% of Paraguayans collect over £65 for every £1 earned by the poorest 10%. I wonder what a similar comparison between the richest and poorest players here would look like?

New Zealand

The All Whites qualified for this World Cup – their second – from a group which comprised Fiji, Vanuatu and New Caledonia. As a native of the Old Caledonia, whose group included the Netherlands and Norway and whose players are therefore not in South Africa but relaxing at home with a pizza supper, this fills me with rage.

How frustrating, then, New Zealand is top of the Global Peace Index and boasts the kind of legislation banning nuclear weapons in her territorial waters that has been proposed, but not progressed, by Scotland’s government.

I’d love to hate New Zealand. But it would be like kicking a kitten.

Slovakia

This may be the Slovaks’ first World Cup but they look good bets to qualify from a weak group. Plus, be fair, they’ve only been a country since 1994.

The country is has experienced rapid economic growth since the break-up of Czechoslovakia, yet enjoys the most equal distribution of wealth in the tournament and enviably low carbon emissions – less per capita than those of the hosts.

Posted in: Cameroon, Denmark, Group previews, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, New Zealand, Paraguay, Slovakia

Gary Dunion is Campaigns Officer for WDM, where he is developing a new campaign to stop financial speculation driving up food prices for the poorest. A Scot of Italian extraction, he'll be cheering for La Patria despite them being hated both by football fans (with which he takes exception) and social justice fans (well, fair enough).

Views expressed here are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of the World Development Movement.

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